Maria Novella Borghetti, L’œuvre d’Ernest Labrousse. Genèse d’un modèle d’histoire économique, éditions de l’EHESS, Paris, 2005
This book,
very much in the Italian tradition of historiography, analyzes the work
of
Ernest Labrousse (1895-1988), one of the leading economic historians
specializing
in 18th and 19th century French history, and
probably the
most influential in French academia during and after his long tenure in
the
economic history chair at the Sorbonne (1945-65).
After a
preface by Maurice Aymard, who stresses that after a zenith in the
early 1980s,
the influence of Labrousse is now at its nadir and could well increase
now that
he is becoming a classic – that is, also an object of history, as this
book
testifies –, the book is organized in a brief introduction and five
chapters.
The
introduction starts from the observation of the recent occultation of
Labrousse, whose work was almost not mentioned during the academic
debates of
the 200th anniversary of the French Revolution, a revolution
that was
so central to his work. It suggests he was a victim of revisionist
interpretations of the Revolution that minimize its economic dimension,
from a
globalization process that marginalizes an historiography entirely
centred on
France, but also from the decline of economic history in historic
inquiry. It argues
that the very success and domination of Labrousse’s methods may have
contributed
to this decline in
The first two
chapters present the original career of Labrousse: a lawyer by training
and a
journalist by taste for the political debate (he was a militant
socialist), his
first 1932 doctoral dissertation (L’Esquisse
du mouvement des prix et des revenus en France au 18e siècle)
was in
economics, a discipline that refused to integrate him as a professor
(he failed
the agrégation in 1932
and 1934). His second
dissertation (La crise de l’économie
française à la fin de l’Ancien Régime et au
début de
Chapter one
also presents the complicated relationships that Labrousse had with
economic
theory, with Marxism and left-wing militancy, and with 18th
century
economic thought (the ancient thought he most had to deal with in his
research). Although he emphasized the conflicts in the distribution of
resources and power, Labrousse explicitly used the marginal theory of
prices,
and borrowed concepts and categories (the farmer, the land-owner) from
Turgot
or Quesnay. He actually never put analytic concepts and theories in the
forefront, a place reserved to historical data.
Chapter 2
also discusses in detail the relationship between Labrousse and the
works by
François Simiand, the influential economist, sociologist and
historian in the
Durkheimian tradition who welcomed him warmly before dying in the mid
1930s,
and with whom he shares much of his methodology.
Chapter 3
discusses the choices and uses of sources in Labrousse’s works.
Labrousse was
one of the first historians to affirm the major interest of statistical
data
coming from institutions. For example, for agricultural prices, which
were
central to his first books, he preferred using the data from the Contrôle general, a state institution
that recorded market prices under a well-established methodology,
rather than
“pure” market prices registered by individual traders but not
comparable with
each other (but which were preferred by many historians). The major
role given
to the detailed assessment of his sources and his efforts to understand
their
construction and context made Labrousse acceptable to historians, when
the
focus on quantification and statistics made him understandable by
economists. This
helped him to become one of the inventors and the main transmitter of histoire sérielle, an historiography
tradition that focused on establishing time-series of high quality and
use them
to build chronology and historical interpretations.
Chapter 4
discusses the meaning of time in Labrousse’s work. It shows that
Labrousse had
an objective vision of time in the positivist tradition, and tried to
use
state-of-the-art statistical techniques in order to decompose time
series into
various cyclical components, which he attempted relating to the
perceptions of
times by contemporaries: crises, structural changes, and long term
trends.
Chapter 5
presents the relationships between Labrousse’s methodology and
interpretations,
but also with his rhetoric. It shows how the very strictly scientific
construction at which Labrousse aimed did not exclude the use of a
beautiful
but controlled rhetoric through which he gave life to the
socio-economic types
he had statistically constructed.
The book is
a success in that it helps understanding the specifics of the method of
Labrousse and places him in his intellectual and historical context.
One may
regret that the content of Labrousse’s work is not more precisely
presented, as
well as the challenge it represented to established interpretations,
and the
challenges it received later from its successors. The work by
Labrousse’s
students – many of the economic historians of the 1960s to 1980s – and
the
master’s influence on them are not discussed either. Nevertheless, for
anyone
wanting to understand the history of 20th century French economic
history, to
compare it to others or to think about its future, this book is
certainly an
important one.
Pierre-Cyrille Hautcoeur
Ecole des hautes études en sciences sociales<>
Paris School of economics>